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A TALE OF TWO CITIES

ABOVE: A view from Sarsfield Bridge of the New Limerick. Riverpoint House and the Clarion Hotel have come to symbolise our economic growth and success.

BELOW: Burnt out houses in O'Malley Park. Limerick City Council has responsibility for some 250 derelict houses throughout Limerick. These houses are not merely symbols, but physical evidence of the neglect, abandonment and exclusion of some of our communities from our growing economy and prosperity.

"The situation described above that applies to Moyross, Southill, St Mary's Park and Ballinacurra/Weston is extremely serious and must be dealt with as a matter of urgency both in the interest of the communities and the areas concerned and to prevent these problems from spreading to other parts of the city" - John Fitzgerald

Limerick City is booming and our transformed skyline is a testament to that. This success is something that all our elected representatives are competing to take credit for. But this isn't the only face of Limerick.

Many of our estates have been neglected by our council, abandoned by the state and surrendered to criminal gangs, who decide who can and can't live there. No stampede to take credit for that situation, and no real attempt to deal with this crisis for the past 10 years, until last October when John Fitzgerald was appointed by our Government to lead an initiative to address issues of social exclusion and crime and disorder in Moyross and our other troubled estates.

His appointment was prompted by a horrendous attack on two children in Moyross last September that shocked the nation. Six-year-old Millie and her little brother Gavin (4) Murray are lucky to be alive after they became human fireballs when their mother's car was doused with petrol and set alight while they were inside. The attack took place because their mother had refused to give someone a lift to the courthouse 10 minutes earlier. Two teenagers were later charged and our city had once again become the focus of national media, for all the wrong reasons. Our other face was undermining New Limerick's growth.

Enter John Fitzgerald, his mission: to look at the problem and report back to government with a solution. Essentially, he was sent here to do a job that our TD's have neglected to do. Indeed, his appointment was a damning indictment of the failure of both local and central government to uphold the constitutional rights of all Limerick people:

Article 28A.1: "The State recognises the role of local government in providing a forum for the democratic representation of local communities, in exercising and performing at local level powers and functions conferred by law and in promoting by its initiatives the interests of such communities." Many areas in Limerick have been badly neglected and virtually abandoned by our local authority; Limerick City Council seems more concerned in promoting the interests of business than those of the community.

Article 40.3.2°: "The State shall, in particular, by it laws protect as best it may from unjust attack and, in the case of injustice done, vindicate the life, person, good name, and property rights of every citizen." Many people living in some of our estates are not adequately protected by the State and are living in fear

And a few months before this election we have the publication of Mr. Fitzgerald's report, most of which is common sense. He calls for regeneration of our troubled estates and for their inclusion in our economic success through the establishment of Northside and Southside regeneration boards, which would co-ordinate the efforts of voluntary and statutory bodies, improve access and infrastructure and attract inward investment. But there is a stark warning in the foreword to his recommendations, The Way Forward:

"Fundamentally, and as a matter of high priority, early intervention is required to deal with the problem of serious criminal activity. This problem needs to be dealt with as a matter of urgency so that a stable environment is created where other initiatives can take effect. Failure to do so is likely to lead to the frustration of other efforts to address social and economic problems."

Not surprisingly, the Fitzgerald Report has received cross party support. Unfortunately, it has become a political football, with some parties calling for the Northside and Southside regeneration boards, as outlined in Mr Fitzgerald's second recommendation, to be established before the election. Our Taoiseach capitulated, and recently appointed Mr. Fitzgerald as interim chair of both boards. What had the potential to be an opposition own goal was instead conceded.

I would have more confidence in our governments stated commitment to the full implementation of the Fitzgerald Report if they were to begin at the beginning and commit the 100 additional Gardaí to police our afflicted areas. Mr. Fitzgerald first recommendation clearly states:

"Put in place intensive policing arrangements: As a result of my consultations it has become clear that, although policing on its own cannot solve the problems in the long term, intensive policing intervention is required in the short to medium term to allow the other interventions an opportunity to work...there needs to be a highly visible Garda presence at all times in these estates in order to restore confidence and stability in the communities. A policing structure, headed by a Superintendent, should be established that is exclusively dedicated to the policing of these areas. This will involve a minimum of 100 additional Gardaí, with appropriate management structures, whose sole function will be the policing of these areas."

John Fitzgerald has done the job he was asked to do. He has given us a good framework to start with. But it is up to politicians to flesh out his recommendations. Hollow sound bytes and thumbs up will not lend itself to a solution.

On the 1st March 2005 I made a submission to the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality, Defence & Women's Rights On Community Policing. I made a number of recommendations, which echoed some of those in the Fitzgerald Report. I have amended them accordingly, in light of the Fitzgerald's Report.

Recommendations

It is clear to me that the troubles experienced by our beleaguered estates could have been avoided if our Local Authority and Gardaí were better equipped, organised and committed to deal with the situation.
The publication of the Fitzgerald Report is to be welcomed. However, I can't see the regeneration boards having any impact unless the role of local authorities and the Gardaí is assessed and reorganised as suggested.

An Garda Síochána:

  • The Gardaí should establish a Special Detective Unit to gather intelligence on people responsible for criminal and anti-social behaviour. This "SDU" would work closely with local authorities to secure convictions and / or evictions. It is difficult for residents to come forward with evidence as many of those affected fear violent retaliation if they do.

  • The Gardaí should establish sub-stations in estates affected by criminal and anti-social behaviour, thereby ensuring a constant presence. "The Gardaí also need to have a local base in these areas" to house the "100 additional Gardaí". Our Council could facilitate this by letting the Gardaí chose from the 250 derelict houses it has in it possession and renovating them.

  • The present relationship between the Gardaí and such communities is strained at best. Civilian staff should be recruited directly from the community and employed to man the phones and perform other office duties in the sub stations. This would effectively make the Gardaí and the Community partners.

Limerick City Council:

  • Garda efforts "need to be supported by the City Council, who should make full use of all legal remedies available to it to deal with tenants engaged in criminal and/or anti-social behaviour" However, the Tenants Enforcement Office remit confines it to dealing solely with the anti-social behaviour of council tenants. A department with staff needs to be established to deal with the growing problem of anti-social behaviour affecting all residential areas.

  • Local authorities response to areas affected by anti-social behaviour should be dictated by the intensity and frequency in occurrence of such behaviour and not dependent on the size of an area or number of people living there.

  • Only local authorities have the power to make changes to the infrastructure of an area. Designing out anti-social behaviour should become a priority.

Residents' Associations:

  • Resident Associations have a vital role to play in providing a forum for residents to discuss and help resolve issues concerning their community. Both the Gardaí and local authorities need to play an active role in establishing residents' associations in areas affected by criminal and anti-social behaviour. It is not uncommon to hear of people living in such areas being harassed and intimidated when trying to establish a residents' association.

Conclusion
There is an obvious link with emerging organised criminal gangs and the rise of anti-social behaviour. Youths involved in anti-social behaviour are ready recruits for such gangs. Criminal gangs are in the process of establishing strongholds in estates up and down the country. People are being forced out of their homes if they object and property is being deliberately devalued so that it can be easily acquired. Overall, more needs to be done to make people feel included in society. When people feel included they will have more respect for their area. John Fitzgerald has pointed the way, lets get moving


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